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Are you considering business in India, Pakistan, China or across Asia? If so, Zeitgeist should be your first port of call. We all know the advantages of doing business with trading in Asia – highly skilled, cost effective manpower, a resilient and growing market with enormous potential – these are just some of the factors that make it attractive for you to look east. The downside, however, is the barriers to entry. cultural differences, protectionism, bureaucracy, finding the right partners – the prize of a distant market can remain distant as the lead in time can be long, laborious and can sap your time, energy and money. Not anymore! Now you can regain the advantage and the initiative.

World Bank data suggests that major obstacles get in the way once the process is started. These obstacles can include obtaining authorisations, finding the right partners or even being able to get financing, utility services and so forth in place. Tax regulations and bureaucratic form filling add to delays and costs. Our mission is to remove these obstacles giving you a much smoother, quicker and cost effective way to market. We have all the leading experts that can make your journey so much better, but we don’t stop there. We add further value through our services on marketing and strategy, geared specifically to Asian countries where a little local knowledge and contacts can go a very long way.

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The Champions Trophy

At the international level, nano seconds separate the champions from ‘also rans’. India needs to work very hard to reach and to remain at the top

AFTER the T20 World Cup in England, Indian made another unceremonious exit from another international tournament, the Champions Trophy. The reason was the same  the inability of its pace bowlers to work up internationally competitive speeds and the inability of its batsman to tackle internationally competitive pace bowling on bouncy tracks.   India lost the very first match to Pakistan by a substantial margin. Pakistan had put up a sizeable total of 318 runs and in reply India were unable to reach even 250. In the second game, Australia playing first were cruising towards a similarly big total when rain interrupted and the match had to be abandoned awarding one point each to both sides. When the rain started, Australia were 238 for 4 in 42 overs  and reasonably well poised to force a win. Many thought the rain was a god-send for India because it left them with a chance depending on the performance of the other teams, namely, Australia and Pakistan. It was a strange though welcome spectacle when the Indians were praying that Pakistan defeat Australia so as to enable India to enter the semi-finals by defeating the West Indies. To be fair to the Pakistanis, they did try their best and their match against Australia went literally to the last ball even though the Pakistani team were earlier all out for meagre 206. But it was not to be and the Indians had to return home despite having beaten the West Indies in the last league match.   It is not really this particular win or loss that matters so much but  the endemic problems facing India. As far as batting is concerned, India does possess considerable talent even though it continues to be suspect against pace bowling on international standard tracks. Batsmen like Rohit Sharma or Suresh Raina or Badrinath and several others have tremendous potential but they fail to click against genuine pace attack. Even Yusuf Pathan who packs tremendous power in his shots is suspect against genuine pace. But there are batsmen like Sachin Tendulkar, Yuvraj Singh, Capt. M. S. Dhoni himself and Rahul Dravid who are there to provide some backbone as far as batting is concerned. It is really in the bowling and fielding that India has yet to come up with suitable answers.   So far as pace bowling is concerned, the last decade has thrown up several possibilities in the likes of Zaheer Khan, Irfan Pathan, Munaf Patel, Ishant Sharma, Srisanth, R P Singh and others. But all of them enter the team working up a pace of 140 to 145  kilometers per hour but burn out in a year or so, settling down to a pace of 120 to 125 which is really club level cricket. There is a need for some serious thinking on avoiding  these burn outs by paying attention to their diet and training regimen and, perhaps, also on using them rather conservatively by following a policy of a rotation. Even Ashish Nehra, the bowling success of this tournament, had to come back to international cricket after a long period of so many years.   As far as fielding is concerned, there is, perhaps, a need for a psychological reorientation of the entire team. Greg Chappell was, perhaps, right. The Indian team seems to have a mortal fear of falling on the ground. Yes, under pressure, they are now seen to be diving for ball. But the pick up and the throw after the dive is always clumsy, wasting precious time in the process. So competitive is the game today that it is the split seconds that determine the run outs. Similarly important is the preventing of singles and of singles being converted into twos. The opposing teams regularly take such liberties against the Indian fielding because they have calculated the reaction times of different Indian fielders. In every international fixture therefore the Indian team ends up conceding 30 to 40 extra runs. And that is a tremendous lot. No team can hope to be at the top in conditions like these. http://asiamagazines.org

Peepal – The Pride of Asia – Environment

In India, religion and mythology have always been deployed to conserve environment

PEEPAL is the oldest depicted tree of Asia.  Besides India, it is also found in other Asian Countries, namely, China, Japan, Nepal, Srilanka, Burma and Indonesia. Its latin name is Ficus religiosa and it belongs to Moraceae family.    Mythology Its significance dates back to the period of Mahabharata when Lord Krishna described it as an embodiment of Universal Consciousness.  Lord Krishna died at the age of 125 years while relaxing under a Peepal tree in Sorati Somnath (Gujarat) when shot by arrow of a hunter who mistook his lotus red sole of foot for a bird.    In ancient times, the Peepal tree near the village was believed to act as a franklin conductor protecting the village against lightening.  Its heartshaped acuminate leaves which store electrons at the   pointed ends, help intercept electromagnetic radiations so much so that in some locations, it can even act as TV antenna.    Environmental Value Scientific research and investigation suggests that the Peepal tree is best antidote to all kinds of pollution, specifically, water pollution, air pollution and noise pollution.  It needs to be investigated as to whether, as claimed, this tree indeed emits oxygen for all 24 hours, but looking to its fantastic growth under adverse conditions, it can certainly be regarded as an excellent means of environmental purification by carbon sequestration Peepal tree draws sustenence from rock beneath.  It is one of those few species which can thrive well on rocky outcrops.  Peepal deserves to be given its pride of place in the hierarchy of herbs by planting it on plateaus or ridges while treating watersheds in keeping with Vastu principles.  Likewise it is also recommended for planting around water bodies.  The high content of calcium in its leaves helps in purification of water.  Once established, it registers fast growth above and below ground; its roots holding on rock and making inroads facilitating percolation of water and its crown spreading to intercept maximum sunlight.  Interestingly, the green Coracious (leathery) leaves of Peepal with teeming bacteria absorb moisture from     the atmosphere but retard evapotranspiration.  That could be the reason to make Peepal appear green and its crown dense full even under scorching heat.  Thereby it also helps in regulating the hydrological cycle in nature.  Peepal sheds leaves but owing to its tremendous capacity for regeneration, new flush of leaves starts appearing very soon. Peepal’s fruit is an inflorescence called hypanthodium containing male and female flowers.  Its fruits are food for animals and birds and leaves food for earthworms.    Medicinal Uses As per information gathered during field survey of medicinal plants of South-Western Maharashtra it is reported that the juice of leaves of Peepal is used to cure urinary tract infections and post gonorrheal discharge.  Decoction of its bark is used in dressing of chronic ulcers and pyorrhea and it can also be administered as anema.  If daily one fruit of Peepal is consumed on empty stomach for 7 days commencing on last day of menstruation, it helps in conception.  It also has anti viral properties.  Recently its cosmetic and aphrodiasic properties have been discovered.  It is believed that the very touch of this tree by men promotes   immunity.  Religious Beliefs           This tree is believed to induce enlightment.  The sages and the religious preachers have been meditating under this tree.  The greatest amongst them, Gautam Buddha, born as Prince Siddhartha in 560 BC, is believed to bave got enlightment while meditating under a Peepal tree in Bodhi Gaya on a night of Baisakh Pournima, the 49th night of his meditation.  This tree is, therefore, called Bodhi, the tree of enlightment.   In 288 BC, the Indian emperor Ashoka gifted a graft of this tree to the king of Srilanka.  Thereafter when the original Bodhi tree disappeared in India, a graft from the Srilankan tree was planted in its original place, where it is still growing to provide a living link between Buddha and those who seek enlightement.  According to another version, the present tree is the fifth graft of the original tree.  This tree is now 980 years old.  One branch of the tree has been planted in Sarnath.  Since Peepal is generally not cut by a large section of the Indian population, it could be used for creating green cover in barren areas subjected to biotic pressures.   ·

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G-20 Summit

The Pittsburgh Communiqué

The text of the Communiqué no doubt bears the imprint of President Obama’s inspirational rhetoric. The devil is, however, in details.

THE G-20 summit at Pittsburgh has come up with an elaborate communiqué covering most aspects of the challenges confronting the world in present times. That the heads of governments of 20 leading countries representing 90% of global GMP, 80% of the world trade and 2/3rd of the world population have appended their signatures to this document is achievement enough. At least that would be the conclusion arrived at by those familiar with the processes of achieving international consensus amongst heads of the rich, powerful and sovereign countries. The romanticists, always wishing for more, would naturally be rather disappointed at the fine print of the document.  For starters, the document re-emphasises the critical role of the Bretton Woods institutions, namely, the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank (WB). The IMF “must play a critical role in promoting global financial stability and rebalancing growth”, says the document and it has been assigned an even more enhanced role in providing oversight of the global financial system and its imbalances. In plain English, it means that the IMF will assist the G-20 members in the peer group review of each other’s economic policies which the G-20 members agreed to at the summit. Given the constitution and the track record of the IMF and to allay the apprehensions of the non G-8 members, the G-20 was obliged to agree to some bit of restructuring of the IMF and the World Bank. The appointments of the chief executives of these institutions will henceforth be on competitive open merit rather than being monopolized by the US and the European union. A small beginning has also been made to redistribute the voting power in both institutions by shifting at least 5% of the quotas from over represented to under represented countries while at the same time protecting the voting share of the poorest country.  On issues, the document pats the  G-20 leaders on the back for having successfully prevented the severest ever recession from degenerating into a deep depression through concerted international action. Rightly, the document emphasises that there are miles to go “and that a sense of normalcy should not lead to complacency”. The process of recovery and repair remains incomplete. In many countries, unemployment remains unacceptably high, e.g. close to 10% in the United States. The private demand has still not picked up in the OECD countries. It was not surprising, therefore, that the G-20 decided against any premature  withdrawal of stimulus packages while at the same time stressing the need to withdraw this extraordinary policy support as soon as the conditions are right. On regulatory measures, the communiqué reiterates the     G-20 commitment to raise capital standards, curb excessive risk taking, improve the over-the-counter derivatives market and to create more powerful tools to hold large global funds to account for the risks they take. On poverty, the document promises new steps to increase access to food, fuel and finance among the world’s poorest and to work together to accelerate the convergence of living standards and productivity in developing and emerging economies to the levels of the advanced economies. To that end, the summit called on the World Bank to develop a new trust fund to support the new Food Security Initiative for the low income countries.  The document is, indeed, inspiring in as far as it projects the vision and the goal posts that the leaders of the world’s 20 top economies have set for themselves. The problem, however, is always in the fine print. On the quota reform of the IMF and the World Bank, the BRIC countries (Brazil, Russia, India and China) had been asking for 7% while the US had offered 5%. Europe was against any targets at all. On the basis of what has been finally agreed upon, our calculations suggest that the shift of voting power for high income countries would be from 68.3% to 64.9% of the votes and the maximum benefit for the poorest countries will be from 7.7% to 7.9% of the vote. Amongst the middle income countries, there will be some marginal redistribution from over represented countries like Belgium, Saudi Arabia, Venezuela and France to China, India, South Korea, Singapore and Turkey. Hardly any earth-shaking reforms these. On poverty, there was no new money on the table beyond an endorsement of the promises made at the Glen Eagles summit in 2005. Similarly, on climate change there is nothing beyond a promise “to spare no effort to reach agreement in Copenhagen through the United Nations Framework Convention  on Climate Change (UNFCCC) negotiations”.    The biggest step emerging from the summit appears to be that of formally designating the G-20 to be the premier forum for international economic cooperation. The baton will be passed on in Canada next June where the G-8 and G-20 summits will coincide. This is basically a formal recognition of the rise of the BRICs and the relative decline of the G-8. Henceforth, it will be up to the BRICs how they use this new institution. Individually and collectively, these countries will have to decide whether to celebrate their rise in stature by joining the exclusive club and shutting the doors on the those left behind or whether to use this forum to influence the global thinking on major economic issues towards eliminating the challenges of poverty and hunger from which they have themselves successfully emerged.

Indo-China Broder

The Dragon Digging Into Himalayan Snows

Zhou Enlai admitted in 1956 that there was a Mc Mahon line though he had been unaware of that until the ‘liberation’ of Tibet.

CHINA’S demand for the removal of two Indian army bunkers from its outpost at Batang La in Sikkim near the India-Bhutan-China tri-junction recently can be viewed merely as highhandedness of a few Chinese border officials who entered Indian Territory inadvertently and came face to face with these Indian bunkers. Oblivious of where their actual position on the ground was, these officials then raised objections about the bunkers. This scenario seems probable because, according to the Indian Army, these bunkers were constructed two years ago and there were no protests from the Chinese side till now. But then India has to be cautious as it comes after several violations of its border in Arunachal Pradesh by the Chinese army in the recent past.  The Indian army has moved several thousand troops to the Sino-India border recently following reports of Chinese intrusions in Sikkim-Bhutan area. The shifting of army formations north of Nathu-La comes in the wake of reports that Chinese troops are coming close to the Siliguri corridor, which is also called the chicken neck connecting the North East of India with the rest of the country. It is about 33 sq kms wide. The army authorities said Chinese forces had been coming close to the Dolam Plateau for more than two decades, as the boundary in the area is still to be precisely defined. In Arunachal Pradesh, the Chinese keep violating the line of actual control at will.  Such violations have to be taken seriously, more so after the Chinese ambassador to India, Sun Yuxi said in November 2006: “The whole of what you call the state of Arunachal Pradesh is Chinese territory… We are claiming the whole of that.” India then strongly reacted to the Chinese claims with the external affairs ministry saying, “Arunachal Pradesh is an integral part of India”.  Matters in relation to Arunachal should be seen in the context of what happened recently in the Kashmir Himachal border sector when the Chinese army entered almost 3 to 6 kms inside the Indian territory and wrote China in red paint on some rocks  .The Indian army has also reported several violations by the Chinese army in the Uttarakhand region in the recent past. Unofficial reports claim that, in the last three months or so, the Chinese army has violated the Indian borders almost 300 times.  Besides border violations, China has tried to use every international platform to present the disputed status of Arunachal Pradesh. The recent happenings in the board meeting of the Asian Development Bank for a developmental loan for Arunachal Pradesh demonstrates this further. After the first defeat and total isolation of China in the board meeting, China used her diplomatic and strategic skills to get Japan and other East Asian countries on board and got the Arunachal package defeated which was a gruesome failure of Indian diplomacy.  Looking into the history of the border dispute, the Mc Mahon Line, an imaginary border now known as the Line of Actual Control (LAC), separates the India-China border along Arunachal Pradesh. China has never recognized the 1914 Mc Mahon Line and claims 90,000 sq km  nearly all of Arunachal Pradesh. India also accuses China of occupying 25,000 sq kms in Kashmir.  After 1962, tensions flared again in 1986 with Indian and Chinese forces clashing in Sumdorong Chu valley of Arunachal. Chinese troops reportedly built a helipad in the valley leading to fresh skirmishes along the borders.  The two countries signed the 1993 Border Peace and Tranquility Agreement (BPTA). The agreement renamed the border the Line of Actual Control (LAC), implying a military held line that could be changed by military means. Indian forces have been ordered to match the growing border management by Chinese troops by building 12 strategic border roads. The Indian government has budgeted the equivalent of $357 million for 27 roads along the LAC.  Looking into the historical factors the whole of Arunachal border problem and the Aksai Chin in Jammu and Kashmir started after the Chinese annexation of Tibet. For a better understanding of the issue, one can try to analyse certain historical evidences based on the conversations of Pandit Nehru and the Chinese Premiere of that time Zhou Enlai. Fifty years ago, Chinese Premier Zhou Enlai paid three state visits to India in less than two months. It was the zenith of the brotherhood relationship. Premier Zhou was in India from November 28 to December 10, 1956, December 30 to January 3 and again from January 24 to 26, 1957. After the signing of the Panchsheel agreement in April 1954, Chinese Intrusion into Indian Territory started with the first reported intrusion-taking place in Barahoti in July 1954.  Zhou took the initiative during the talks to bring up the situation in Tibet. He gave a long briefing to the Indian PM on the historical status of the Land of Snows, while Nehru kept quiet about the intrusions. Zhou made some stray remarks on Tibet and the border, which are worth noting, “That Tibet is part of China is a fact, but it was never an administrative province of China but kept an autonomous character.” Nehru replied, “My impression was that for all practical purposes Tibet has all along been autonomous”. Zhou spoke again about autonomy: “When we started negotiations for peaceful liberation of Tibet [in 1951 in Beijing], we from the first recognized the autonomous character of the region.” Then he interestingly added: “When I said that India knew more about Tibet, I meant about the past history. For example, I knew nothing about McMahon Line until recently when we came to study the border problem after [the] liberation of China.” Against this background, it is surprising that the present Chinese leadership refuses to accept the Mc Mahon line (Line of Actual Control). The then Premier of China had added “Although this Line was never recognized by us, still apparently there was a secret pact between Britain and Tibet and it was announced at the time of the Simla Conference. And now that it is an accomplished fact, we should accept it. But we have not consulted Tibet so far.” Where did the question of consulting Tibet arise as China had already occupied Tibet in 1959?  The present political leadership of India needs to take all these historical factors into account while discussing the border problems with China. Strategically and economically, Arunachal Pradesh and Bhutan are very important for India and India cannot afford to lose an inch of land in the Arunachal area and it cannot afford to ignore the happenings on the Sikkim-Bhutan or in the Kashmir-Himachal areas. It is time the Indian government followed a bold and firm policy towards China on the border issue.  India should not only claim back Aksai Chin in Jammu And Kashmir which China had occupied in 1962 but also the 25000 sq kms of territory on the other side of the Karakoram watershed in the Yarkhand areas on the other side of K2 peaks which originally belonged to the Princely state of Jammu and Kashmir but was quietly taken over by China in  1947 – 48.  It should also ask China to cede the 5000 Sq Kms of land in the Karakoram area which Pakistan had given to China after 1965 .At the same time, Government of India should make it clear once for all that China should stop bargaining on its claim over Arunachal Pradesh. For this if required India should go back on its assurance of accepting Tibet as an autonomous region of China and declare the independent status of Tibet. If the present Chinese leadership can ignore the position taken by Zhou Enlai on the Mc Mahon line in 1957 so can the present leadership of India on the question of Tibet? At the same time India should raise the issue of ethnic cleansing in Tibet and Xinjiang at every international forum and also derecognize Xinjiang as a part of China and treat it as disputed. After all, in diplomacy, there is also a notion of tit for tat as well as the carrot and stick policy. ·

pat on the cheek

On a state visit to Beijing, Dr. S. Radhakrishnan hit it off very well with Mao Zedong. During official talks, Radhakrishnan was rather amused by something Mao said and affectionately patted Mao on his cheek. There was consternation in the room though Mao himself was unperturbed. Radhakrishnan sensed the discomfiture and offered, ‘ Don’t worry. I have done that to Khruschev and Eisenhower as well.’

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Hat trick for the Congress party

Congress wins all three states where elections were held. But it owes its victories largely to the fractured opposition.

IN the elections held to the Legislative Assemblies of the three states this month, the Indian National Congress has emerged as the single largest party in all the three states.It was able to win absolute majority on its own in Arunachal Pradesh and along with its alliance partner, the Nationalist Congress Party, in Maharashtra. In Haryana, where it was expecting a landslide win, it stayed six seats short of the absolute majority though roping in the independents and others to make up the numbers should not pose too much of a problem. 

 Geographically, the three states are far apart from each other and the results can thus be interpreted as the Congress party’s complete sway over the electorate across the length and breadth of the country. While Arunachal Pradesh represents the north-eastern corner of the country bordering Tibet, Maharashtra is the most industrialised state of the country located  in its center-west. Haryana is just next door to Delhi, the national capital, and the results in the three states can thus be considered as fairly representative of the mood of the country. Coming within six months of the recently concluded parliamentary elections, the results reinforce the trends favouring the Congress party which had become so noticeable during the parliamentary elections. 

The results have come as a disappointment for the main opposition party, the BJP. Not that the party had any major hopes from these elections because it has never been a force to reckon with in any of these states except in Maharashtra where it had run a government during 1993-98 in alliance with the regional party the Shiv Sena as a junior partner. In Arunachal Pradesh, it has been merely registering its presence for the last decade or so while in Haryana, the party has no social constituency which it can exclusively call its own. Yet, its cadres in the state have always had king sized ambitions and have always paid the price for the same. Even the results of this election show that if it had allied with its traditional partner, the Indian National Lok Dal of Om Prakash Chautala, the alliance might have just about succeeded in dislodging the Congress from the state. However, the party has succeeded in once again registering its presence in these two states by winning 3 seats in Arunachal Pradesh and 4 in Haryana.

 In Arunachal Pradesh the Congress party has literally swept the state winning 42 out of 60 seats. Yet the 5 seats each won by the recent entrants to the state’s politics, the Trinamool Congress and the Nationalist Congress Party, show that there is considerable space for opposition politics even in this remotest of Indian states. It is an opportunity waiting to be tapped by the major opposition party if it can get its act together. In Haryana, the BJP has to realize that, whether it likes it or not, its fortunes are tied up with the Indian National Lok Dal. Alternatively, it has to clearly identify and cultivate its own exclusive social base.  National issues and models of alternate governance being worked out by the party are never going to cut much ice with the caste ridden politics of Haryana.  

Of all the three states, however, it is Maharashtra which is the analysts’ nightmare. The ruling Congress-NCP alliance has been in power in the State since 1999. Both, during the recently held parliamentary elections and during this election, surveys had shown that the ruling alliance had provided the worst ever governance to the most advanced state in the country during the past decade. The state accounts for the highest number of farmers’ suicides in the country. Urban decay is visible to the naked eye and hits even a casual visitor to Mumbai in the face as soon as he lands at the airport. The men in power have generally been known to be venal and lackadaisical in their approach to the problems of the people. Almost each one of the Cabinet Ministers carries the unofficial pejorative title of being either a sugar baron or education mafia(running private colleges and charging exorbitant capitation fees) or both. 

Yet, they have been winning election after election. To top it all, there was the rebel factor this time with strong party members contesting against the official candidates in both the Congress and the NCP. The alliance between the two is also nothing much more than an arithmetical aggregation of the constituencies in which the two parties are separately strong. There was also the ten years old incumbency factor in play. Yet the alliance has won and has formed the government once again.  

What has made this miracle possible?  For one, the break- up of the Shiv Sena with Raj Thackeray moving out and floating his own regional outfit, the Maharashtra NavNirman Sena (MNS). This new regional outfit has done very well in this election by winning as many as 13 seats. But more important than the seats won is the vote percentage it has taken away from the parent party, the Shiv Sena, in its strong holds. The Shiv Sena floated by patriarch Bal Thackeray is at the cross roads with his nephew Raj Thackeray trying to assume the political legacy by adopting Bal Thackeray’s style and substance and the issues raised by him in the 1960s. The legitimate heir Uddhav Thackeray is, however, a more sober leader and wants the party to take up legitimate issues confronting 21st century Maharashtra and India. True, his part of the Shiv Sena remains the dominant party which has, even in this election, captured 44 seats as against Raj Thackeray’s mere 13. But the damage potential of Raj Thackeray is immense and he has shown that in the parliamentary elections as well as in the current ones. Uddhav Thackeray, however, hopes that it would only be a passing fad and that the main party will remain loyal to him as it has been so far. 

Shiv Sena’s alliance partner, the BJP, it seems has not yet recovered from the jolt it received in the recently held parliamentary elections. After Pramod Mahajan’s death, the party has practically no leader who can aspire to a national stature. Incidentally, however, Pramod Mahajan’s own daughter Poonam has been defeated in      the current election. Pramod Mahajan’s  brother-in-law, Gopinath Munde, is a man of the masses and a grass roots worker. But the Maharashtra voter, it seems, prefers to align himself to a national level leader which the state unit of the party has yet to throw up. But more important than all that is the need for the BJP to reassert  and reinvigorate itself  at the central level so that the  cadres in all the states can be properly enthused. The discerning Maharashtra voter applies different standards to national and regional parties. Until that happens, the BJP will have to be reconciled to continuing losses in one state after the other. 

Overall,  the  elections  in Maharashtra show that both the alliances have maintained their respective electoral strength which have so far been more or less even the balanced. This balance has been tilted in this election in favour of the Congress-NCP alliance at the cost of Shiv Sena mainly because of the MNS factor. Mending it could definitely take some time and some doing.

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Welcome to ZeiTGeiST ASIA

ZeiTGeiST ASIA

ZeiTGeiST ASIA is a highly targeted monthly news magazine published by ZeiTGeiST Publications, a Division of N. G. Lakhanpal Strategic Management Services Pvt. Ltd. an ISO 9001: 2000 company registered in India. ZeiTGeisT ASIA aims to provide high quality, knowledge enriched editorial with critical analysis of current events relating to business, economy and socio-cultural environment of the Asian region. With readership ranging from the President of India to CEOs, MDs, Ministers, Civil Servants, business leaders and innovators through to those simply interested in current affairs throughout India and Asia, ZeiTGeisT ASIA is distributed via subscription, first and business class cabins of leading airlines, five star hotels, business councils in many parts of the world and libraries, business institutes, exhibitions and news stands etc. Contributions to articles are often received from highly influential journalists, senior political and business figures and academicians.  To reach such an influential audience can be a major asset to any organisation. Whether you are seeking a partner, a business opportunity or simply want to increase awareness of your products or services through corporate branding, it pays to have presence in ZeiTGeiST ASIA.